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New century, new approach to marine planning in B.C.
New century, new approach to marine planning in B.C.

SUMMARY: For the first time in British Columbia’s history, First Nations have been equal partners with the provincial government in developing marine use plans – a historic approach viewed largely by all involved as having yielded very positive outcomes. Beyond the promise of achieving real and lasting impact in shared marine spaces, there are broader lessons for planning and engagement that can be applied in other parts of Canada and globally.
In British Columbia, a unique approach to developing marine plans has involved a spirit of collaboration. The Marine Plan Partnership for the North Pacific Coast, or MaPP as it’s more commonly known, involves the Province and 17 member First Nations — represented by the North Coast–Skeena First Nations Stewardship Society, Coastal First Nations–Great Bear Initiative, Council of the Haida Nation, Central Coast Indigenous Resource Alliance and Nanwakolas Council. The partnership’s mandate is about planning for marine uses, economic sustainability and the long-term ocean health on B.C.’s North Pacific Coast, divided into four sub-regions: Haida Gwaii, North Coast, Central Coast and North Vancouver Island.
This collaborative approach integrates provincial government policy with First Nations governance systems, cultural practices and Indigenous and scientific knowledge. With a rich and complex history that could have otherwise resulted in lengthy delays and barriers to progress, instead this made-in-B.C. approach has realized solid working relationships and real progress in the five years since a founding letter of intent was signed in 2011.
The MaPP initiative culminated in the official signing of marine plan implementation agreements in early August 2016. With completed plans and agreements in place for the area and its four sub-regions, there is now a clear roadmap and commitment to joint implementation going forward.
The marine planning backdrop
The marine plans achieved through the unique MaPP approach are a combination of provincial and local government policy, First Nations interests and values, traditional and local knowledge and marine science. They also integrate First Nations traditional values and current legal and political perspectives.
The plans come at a time when the legal landscape is shifting, the result of a variety of factors that include: evolving legal definitions for Aboriginal fishing rights, now defined by pre-contact activities and practices; the protected right to fish for food, social or ceremonial purposes; and commercial fishing rights in certain nation-specific cases.
Meanwhile, broader legal drivers are also at play. They include evolving case law, which has opened the doors for First Nations engagement and co-leadership in activities that were typically provincial or federal government-led in the past; a requirement for prior consultation with affected First Nation Peoples; and the expectation for up-front negotiation and agreement in planning and management, now the new norm.
Understanding the approach
With increasing commercial, industrial and recreational activity along the British Columbia coast, the need for marine planning to help guide decisions about ocean use became increasingly clear.
The area involved is vast, encompassing about 102,000 square kilometres of ocean and 29,000 kilometres of coastline — an area that includes the traditional territories of the 17 First Nations’ partners, stretching along two-thirds of the North Pacific Coast of B.C.
MaPP focuses on common First Nations and provincial marine interests where the Province considers that it has legal jurisdiction and regulatory authority.
The MaPP approach and its emphasis on collaboration has stemmed from decades of resource planning (in B.C. and other parts of Canada) that has evolved towards more concerted planning involving First Nations governments. Fundamental to this approach has been the provincial government’s official recognition that First Nations are not simply stakeholders like other individuals or groups, but full-fledged, equal nation-to-nation partners.
This understanding and the relationships built through MaPP represent a critical milestone, with First Nations partners undertaking significant work to prepare for this process and, in many ways, leading on information-gathering, scientific analysis and policy development. Indeed, the precedent MaPP has set is being upheld as an international example of governance and marine spatial planning.
Various factors have not only distinguished the MaPP approach, but contributed greatly to its success.
The geographic scale alone and the number and collaboration of First Nations (in the past, perhaps one or two) coupled with the number of stakeholders engaged was unprecedented in a marine plan.
That the process was designed within a collaborative governance arrangement and involved so many nations was a major first. Such extensive First Nations participation, with nations working together and co-leading the marine planning process with the provincial government, had never before been achieved.
MaPP’s approach to funding was also integral, employing a quasi public-private partnership model that leveraged government and First Nations resources, as well as external resources from private foundations.
The diversity of stakeholders MaPP has brought together and number of marine uses, activities and values it has addressed – and will continue addressing – also distinguishes it from other processes. Among the many planning issues considered: marine science, coastal forestry, commercial and marine tourism, public recreation, finfish and shellfish aquaculture, marine conservation and infrastructure, fish processing, and renewable and non-renewable energy.
More keys to success, lessons learned
There are additional factors the MaPP partners credit to the approach’s success, which they also consider lessons learned.
A major benefit was that everyone involved understood they were at a unique point in time, as mandates and public interest can quickly change while resourcing can go away at any time. Accordingly, opportunities to achieve progress were fully leveraged.
Having the right arrangements and expertise in place was crucial. With proper governance structures and funding already established, the MaPP partnership could quickly undertake its work.
Being able to tap into an abundance of local experts made a real difference. The MaPP process was fortunate to be able to draw on resources in the form of staffing and localized expertise from within the partner organizations.
Having buy-in from stakeholders and local governments, supported by adequate funding to ensure they could engage meaningfully in the process, was critical. Also, establishing the engagement process in advance, ensured a solid, common understanding by project partners of how stakeholders would be engaged over a two-year period.
That plans were developed using a hybrid approach, having both strategic and operational components (where plans would typically be one or the other) – a major benefit. This gave regulators, decision-makers, stakeholders and the public a wide operating policy framework as a foundation.
Considerable flexibility built into the MaPP’s administration and overall project management allowed for much-valued nimbleness, both for organizational and process purposes.
All four MaPP plans used the same zoning approach, which included recommended use tables for each zone and sub-zone. The tables direct managers on how to address applications that are received for a zone’s marine uses and activities. When an application is made, it is referred to both local government and First Nations. This saves considerable time and effort by screening out marine uses from a complex review process – welcome news to First Nations and local governments alike.

Marine management took a significant step forward, with the completion of plans under the Marine Planning Partnership (MaPP) for the North Pacific Coast; a co-led partnership between BC and 18 coastal Nations. Click the image to learn more.
Challenges and complexities
If the process was to be revisited, the consensus is it would have been better to put additional staff and resources into pre-implementation planning much earlier as it is easy to become so focused on planning that implementation becomes more an after-thought. In this case, implementation agreements were being prepared about eight months before the plans were finalized – a timeframe which proved less than ideal. Once the marine plans were completed, it took a year before some parties were sufficiently comfortable with the implementation agreements to sign them. In the interim, implementation activities were identified and advanced so momentum could be maintained and progress could be demonstrated while collective agreements were refined.
Other significant lessons learned include recognition that good process builds relationships that will outlast current information, science and policy, and that the deliberate effort to reflect First Nations cultural values, governance systems and stewardship obligations leads not only to balanced plans but also greater awareness, understanding and sensitivity by non-Aboriginal stakeholder groups. In B.C., where both First Nations and the Province assert ownership of the marine and coastal areas, this approach reflects a new planning reality as well as provincial government policy.
Some specific challenges and complexities faced during the planning phase included:
- how to identify and zone areas for marine protection without committing to specific legal designations under provincial legislation;
- how to address marine and coastal resource management issues that were only indirectly within the mandates of participating governments, First Nations and stakeholder groups;
- how to link broad, strategic objectives and strategies of the plans with specific area-based zoning direction and recommended use tables;
- how to draft strategies so that they can readily be translated into measurable actions to gauge plan implementation success and to indicate ecosystem changes in the planning areas.
A new model for planning and policymaking
The marine plans developed through the MaPP partnership reflect a careful balance of planning, policy, science, First Nations tradition and more. The approach has been about applying creative, incremental solutions to areas where there were policy deficiencies.
Many issues faced by the provincial and First Nations governments, including jurisdiction, authority and governance, history and the impacts of past decisions and the importance of economy, culture and environment, can be found in other geographies.
Indeed, some of the tools developed and successfully used in MaPP are already at work in marine planning well beyond B.C. For example, a compatibility matrix, master list of definitions, allowable activities tables and rationale tables are either being used or developed for application in the Seychelles. Also in the Seychelles: a process for stakeholder input and review is being modelled after MaPP, while lessons learned are providing valuable guidance in key areas such as the importance of government-to-government partnerships and leveraging timelines to maintain momentum.
MaPP is a success story about how collaborative planning can work across a very large area that encompasses many different communities, a complex geography with hundreds upon hundreds of inlets and bays and a wide range of priorities, and balancing consistency of approach with flexibility to reflect different issues. Similarly, in places such as Indonesia, with thousands of islands and millions of people spread across thousands of kilometres of ocean space, MaPP can offer useful comparisons to support planning and stakeholder engagement. At the same time, it shows that high-quality ocean planning can occur and be successful while taking into account issues such as governance, Indigenous rights, jurisdiction and authority.
The MaPP partners believe this collaborative approach to planning in the North Pacific Coast has worked because of the enormous effort made by all parties to build trust, establish open lines of communication, address differences and conflicts, agree on deliverables and scope and make decisions together.
In short, good process has contributed to building relationships that will outlast the latest information, science or policy. Furthermore, the MaPP approach is a huge step towards achieving the B.C. government’s commitment to reconciliation with First Nations.
MaPP is a collaborative partnership between 17 member First Nations and the Province of British Columbia. MaPP plans and other information can be found at mappocean.org.
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Each of the four sub-regional plans developed had its own process, unique participants, stakeholders and objectives. The following are some highlights relating to the development of the sub-regional plans. |
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| Pre-2011 | Local First Nations complete individual community plans. Existing provincial plans, policies, legislation and management procedures. |
| November 2011 | MaPP is formed. The local First Nation plans are used as the basis for development of preliminary draft plan components with the Province, which then augments with exiting provincial legislation, policies and management measures to be used in discussions with stakeholders. |
| Late fall 2011 through June 2014 | To build the sub-regional plans, the Marine Plan Advisory Committees (MPAC) are formed and go on to meet nearly 15 times over a two-year period to review draft plan components. Supporting the process are two co-leads (one representing the First Nations and the other representing the Province) and a wealth of expertise from partner organizations staff.
MaPP partner technical staff work together to develop shared planning tools (zoning framework, recommended uses and activities table, vulnerability matrix, compatibility matrix, Sea Sketch online mapping, current conditions and trends reports, and a plan assessment process). The sub-regional planning teams use information from available or internal research, consultant reports and stakeholder input to build the overall plan. Public open houses are held in sub-regional communities, launching a six-week public review period in the spring of 2014. Based on public input, proposed changes to the plan are subsequently reviewed and/or incorporated. Among the topics discussed as part of the development of a sub-regional plan are: a vision statement; ecosystem-based management issues, objectives and strategies; climate change; tsunami debris management; marine pollution; marine conservation and protection; cultural and heritage resources; marine recreation and tourism; commercial, recreational and First Nations fisheries; the tenuring process; aquaculture; log handling and storage; energy; infrastructure; collaborative management and governance; monitoring and enforcement; marine research and education; communities and economy; and zoning framework. |
| April 2015 | A signing ceremony is held at the B.C. Legislature in Victoria where sub-regional partner representatives, technical staff and stakeholders celebrate the signing of the four sub-regional marine plans. |
| May 2016 | Regional Action Framework is signed. |
| August 2016 | Four separate implementation agreements between the B.C. government and sub-regional First Nations are signed. |
Contact person:
- Josie Byington
- Communications Assistant
- Marine Plan Partnership
- jbyington@mappocean.org
- 250-816-1934

By John Bones, Charles Short, Steve Diggon. The Marine Plan Partnership for the North Pacific Coast (MaPP) is a co-led process between 17 First Nations and the Government of the Province of British Columbia that developed and is implementing plans for marine uses on B.C.’s North Pacific Coast, now and into the future. The MaPP initiative is notable also for the diversity of stakeholders involved and the number of marine uses, activities and values addressed. For more information on Marine Plan Partnership for the North Pacific Coast (MaPP) visit http://mappocean.org/.
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Art & Culture
Sixteen days in Tunisia

Tunisia is named after Tunis. Not the other way around. If the country takes its name from the city, then any attempt to understand Tunisia must start in Tunis.
Before reading any further, look at a map. You must appreciate the exceptional location of Tunis; only then does the city make full sense. Historically, Tunis was little more than a compact nucleus pressed in the strip of land between the Séjoumi lagoon (a flamingo sanctuary) and Lake Tunis, once the natural harbour. Everything that now feels expansive, avenues, neighbourhoods, infrastructure, rests on land reclaimed from water. Bab Al-Bhar, the Sea Gate, crystallises this transformation: standing there today, flanked by white buildings, you have to imagine the water once visible straight through the gate. The city quite literally stole land from the sea as it expanded.
That tension between land and water, between natural geography and human intervention, repeats itself everywhere in Tunisia. An artificial peninsula appears in the ancient harbours of Carthage. Salt lakes replace vanished seas in Chott el Djerid. Urban coastlines are pushed back, fortified, paved over. Today, the landscape bears the marks of centuries of negotiation with water, sometimes reverent, sometimes violent. But let’s stay in the capital for a moment.
Visiting the medina (old town) on a Sunday, when most souks are closed, made the architecture audible. Without the commercial noise, proportions, light and texture take over; the business-day buzz is thrilling, but silence teaches you how the city breathes. That quiet also sharpens your attention to thresholds. And then the beauty of the doors hits you. Again and again. Painted, carved, symbolic, they demand to be read, often concealing unexpected worlds behind them. In the medina, access is never guaranteed: museums may still be family homes, so you knock, you wait and someone might let you in. Knowledge survives through generosity. This constant negotiation between private and public space explains why repurposing feels so natural here. People inhabit ancient burial sites, former shrines become cafés and even the old slave market has transformed into the jewellers’ quarter; history reused rather than erased. The twenty madrasas scattered through the medina embody this logic perfectly: still embedded in daily life, neither fully public nor entirely private, their doors test your luck. Finally stepping inside one felt unreal, courtyards opening suddenly, tiled interiors that seemed imagined rather than constructed. I honestly felt I was dreaming.
But don’t forget to look up, as architecture constantly communicates power, belief and belonging, often far more than we initially perceive. The green-tiled domes signalling burial places, the octagonal or patterned motifs minarets proclaiming variants of Islam (Ottoman and Almohad respectively) or the colour codes identifying hammams and barber shops all speak a visual language that locals instinctively read. In Tunis, belief is never private, it is inscribed into skylines and façades.
That inscription extends inward. Mosques feel less like austere institutions than wellness centres, spaces of rest, learning and calm. Mats are placed against ancient columns to shield people’s backs from the cool marble. I even witnessed people nap inside Al-Zaytuna. So much peace that you can sleep. How do churches compare?

Al-Zaytuna itself is the city’s anchor, the Great Mosque. The souks grew around it, originally as little more than rented awnings, now covered streets wrapping commerce around devotion. You walk through trade and suddenly stumble into the sacred. Built in the seventh century, shortly after the Islamic conquest of Byzantine Africa, the mosque stands on layers of belief. While it is likely that a temple existed here since antiquity, legend says it was built on the shrine of Saint Olive of Palermo. “Zaytuna” means olive, in Arabic and in Spanish. Language preserves memory even when stones are repurposed. Indeed, the entire prayer hall is held by a forest of Roman columns and capitals, older worlds literally supporting newer ones.
As a Spaniard, Tunisia had many a surprise in store for me. Rue des Andalous reveals one of Tunisia’s most consequential migrations. During the Middle Ages, much of Spain was Muslim. Forced conversions, expulsions and finally the mass expulsion even of Moriscos (former Muslims converted to Christianity) in 1609 drove tens of thousands across the sea. Spain was Al-Andalus in Arabic and so these Spaniards became known as “Andalusians”. Large numbers settled in Tunisia, founding neighbourhoods and entire industries. That legacy is not abstract. Chechias, the characteristic red felt hats associated with Tunisois men, were produced using techniques brought by Andalusian refugees. By the nineteenth century, chechia makers were among the wealthiest and most influential merchants in Tunis. The Tunis souks where you can still watch them work are living archives of forced migration turned cultural inheritance. Indeed, the link with Al-Andalus is still emotionally present. Several people called me “cousin” when I told them I was Spanish. It did not feel metaphorical. It felt familial. Spanish presence resurfaces repeatedly: forts at La Goulette, inscriptions in Castilian, Andalusian refugees founding towns like Testour, where the mosque clock runs backwards (‘anticlockwise’) like Arabic script. Jewish and Muslim Spaniards built whole towns together after fleeing persecution. They brought urban planning, architecture, food and memory.

Non-human animals are also everywhere if you know where to look, silently narrating human history. Today, cats dominate Tunis, lounging, glamorous, fully at home in the city. But North Africa was once also home to another feline: lions, ultimately erased from the landscape by hunting. At the Bardo museum, Roman mosaics celebrate them while also depicting their mass slaughter in amphitheatres. Venationes (gladiatorial hunting shows) paved the way to extinction long before modern poaching. Rome’s “games” were ecological disasters disguised as entertainment. El Djem boasts the third largest amphitheatre in the world, an uncomfortable reminder that the spectacle of violence against animals became industrial. Birds, too, mark survival. Storks now nest on electrical poles, thanks to recent conservationist efforts, and the ancient castle on the artificial Chikly island in Lake Tunis is now a natural reserve for over fifty-seven species.
Water management reveals another continuity of power. Ancient Carthage was defined by water engineering. Artificial harbours, commercial and naval, remain legible after 2,200 years. Aqueducts carried water across vast distances; cisterns stored enough to sustain one of the Mediterranean’s largest cities. Fresh water was sacred. Springs, such as that at Zaghouan, were divine. Nymphs were believed to guard the source so temples rose where water emerged from the rock. But human transformations of the landscape sometimes rival natural phenomena. Chott el Djerid, now a salt desert, was once part of the Mediterranean Sea. When geological shifts cut it off, the water evaporated, leaving salt behind. The salt is now actively extracted and shipped north, sold to Scandinavian countries as grit to combat icy roads. At the same time, visions of reversing this desiccation persist, from colonial-era schemes to the revival of the “Sahara Sea” project in the 2010s, approved by the Tunisian state in 2018. Coastlines have also been shaped by humans. Hammamet’s medina once met the waves directly. Boulders and walkways intervened. Monastir’s ribat once stood on the beach before roads severed it from the sea. Sousse’s medina now violently cut away from the Mediterranean. Tunisia has never stopped imagining how to reshape water.



Just as water and animals shape human settlement, so too does climate. Again and again in Tunisia, habitation reveals extraordinary adaptation to environment. At the ancient site of Bulla Regia, houses were built partly underground to escape heat, flooding interior spaces with light while sheltering them from extremes. At Matmata, troglodyte dwellings carved into the earth have stabilised temperature in a harsh desert landscape for centuries. At Zriba Olia, a town only abandoned decades ago, Amazigh (Berber) architecture merges seamlessly with mountain rock: the house ends, the mountain begins. Even the Roman theatre at Dougga takes perfect advantage of the mountain’s elevation. These are not picturesque oddities; they are intelligent, time-tested responses to landscape. But changes aren’t always benign, especially when colonial brutality is concerned. In Carthage, Roman policy deliberately buried, erased and levelled the Punic past on Byrsa Hill. Centuries later, French authorities turned amphitheatres into chapels, erected cathedrals atop Punic acropolises and even built a farmhouse on the Roman capitol at Oudna. Layers of civilisation were literally crushed to assert dominance. The irony is that archaeology eventually resurrected what imperial ideology tried to annihilate.



Language binds all of this astonishing diversity together. Phoenician (Punic) script underpins our Latin alphabet. Tifinagh survives among Amazigh communities. Writing systems are fossils of contact. Even humour reveals linguistic layering: Tunisians seem to have the worst, and best, wordplay, producing gems like “Pub-elle”, “Bar Celone” or “Mec Anic”, jokes cleverly built on French that land perfectly in Tunisian streets. Religion, too, refuses neat boundaries. Phoenician deities merge with Egyptian, Persian and Roman gods. Judaism flourished in North Africa from antiquity and remained deeply rooted in Tunisia until the twentieth century. Christianity arrived early, fractured into multiple denominations and left basilicas, cathedrals and martyrs’ narratives across the landscape. Islam absorbed, adapted and reinterpreted what came before. Syncretism is not the exception here, it is the rule.
By the end, what remains clearest is this: Tunisia is not a palimpsest with erased layers. It is an accumulation where nothing disappears entirely. Former seas leave salt. Empires leave infrastructure. Migrations leave words, recipes, and cousins!
Sixteen days is nothing.
And it was everything.
Written by: Fernando Nieto-Almada
ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Fernando read History at university in London and Paris and currently teaches Languages. You can follow him on Instagram here.
Aquacultures & Fisheries
Small Scale Fishing in Tunisia Faces Growing Environmental and Economic Strain
For generations, fishing along Tunisia’s coast has been both livelihood and identity. From the shallow tidal flats of the Gulf of Gabès to the small ports of Sfax, Kerkennah, and Mahdia, the sea once offered a reliable rhythm. Fishermen knew the seasons, the winds, and the species that would arrive and depart each year. That knowledge shaped not only income, but family life, food traditions, and entire coastal cultures.
Today, that rhythm is breaking down. Tunisian fishermen are facing a convergence of pressures that few communities are equipped to absorb. Climate change is altering weather patterns and sea conditions faster than local knowledge can adapt. Fish stocks are declining or shifting their ranges. At the same time, destructive bottom trawling has expanded into coastal waters, undermining both ecosystems and the economic viability of small scale fishing.
Together, these forces are eroding a centuries old relationship between people and sea.

A Coast Shaped by Small Scale Fishing
Tunisia’s fishing history is deeply tied to artisanal practices. With more than 1,300 kilometres of Mediterranean coastline, the country developed one of the largest small scale fishing fleets in the region. The vast majority of Tunisian fishing vessels are small boats operating close to shore, using nets, traps, and fixed gear designed to work with coastal ecosystems rather than against them.
In places like the Kerkennah Islands, fishing traditions such as the charfia system were refined over centuries. Wooden barriers and palm fronds guided fish into enclosures using tides and seasonal movements. These methods depended on healthy seagrass meadows, predictable spawning cycles, and intact coastal habitats. They also reflected a deep understanding of ecological limits.
By the early 2000s, fishing supported tens of thousands of Tunisian families directly and many more through processing, transport, and trade. Fish was both a staple food and an important export, especially to European markets.
That balance is now under strain.
Climate Change Reaches the Docks
The Mediterranean Sea is warming faster than the global ocean average. Rising sea surface temperatures have intensified marine heatwaves, altered currents, and increased the frequency of extreme weather events. For fishermen working in small boats, these changes are not abstract trends. They translate into lost days at sea, damaged equipment, and growing danger.
Fishermen across Tunisia report longer periods of bad weather and storms that arrive with little warning. Conditions that once followed seasonal patterns are now unpredictable. Autumn and winter storms are stronger and more erratic, making it harder to plan fishing trips or ensure safe returns.
Research by international fisheries and climate bodies shows that weather related disruptions already affect fishing activity for a significant portion of the year, particularly in northern and central Tunisia. The risks are highest for artisanal fishermen, whose boats lack the size, shelter, and safety systems of industrial fleets.
In some cases, these risks have been fatal. Storm related sinkings in recent years underscore how climate change is increasing the human cost of fishing in the Mediterranean.
A Sea Rich in Life, and Increasingly Fragile
Beneath Tunisia’s coastal waters lies one of the Mediterranean’s most ecologically important regions. The Gulf of Gabès is unique due to its shallow depth and tidal range, which support vast meadows of Posidonia oceanica seagrass. These underwater forests are among the most productive ecosystems in the sea.
Posidonia meadows act as nurseries for fish, feeding grounds for invertebrates, and carbon sinks that help regulate the climate. Hundreds of marine species depend on them at some stage of their life cycle, including species of commercial importance and others already considered threatened.
Tunisia’s waters also host migratory species, sea turtles, dolphins, and endemic organisms found nowhere else. This biodiversity has long supported artisanal fishing, allowing small scale gear to yield steady catches without exhausting stocks.
However, climate change is weakening this ecological foundation. Warmer waters affect reproduction, oxygen levels, and species distribution. Some fish are migrating north or into deeper waters. Others are declining as habitats degrade.
These changes alone would challenge fishermen. Combined with destructive fishing practices, they become devastating.
The Rise of Bottom Trawling in Coastal Waters
Over the past decade, bottom trawling known locally as kys fishing has expanded dramatically along Tunisia’s coast. Using heavy nets dragged across the seabed, these vessels capture everything in their path. The method is highly efficient in the short term and highly destructive in the long term.
Bottom trawling damages seagrass meadows, disturbs sediments, releases stored carbon, and destroys the complex structures that support marine life. It also tears through the nets and traps used by artisanal fishermen, causing direct economic losses.
Although bottom trawling is regulated under Tunisian law and Mediterranean fisheries agreements, enforcement has struggled to keep pace with its spread. Legal ambiguities, limited monitoring capacity, and misclassification of vessels have allowed trawlers to operate in areas where they are restricted or banned.
In regions such as Sfax and the Gulf of Gabès, the number of kys trawlers has increased sharply since the early 2010s. Many fishermen attribute this rise to declining catches from traditional methods and economic pressure following political and social upheaval after 2011.
The result is a vicious cycle. As trawlers degrade habitats and reduce fish stocks, artisanal fishermen see their catches fall. Some abandon fishing altogether. Others feel compelled to adopt destructive methods themselves, even as they recognise the long term damage.
Economic Stakes Beyond the Shore
Fishing remains economically significant for Tunisia. Annual production reaches well over one hundred thousand tonnes, with a substantial portion exported. European markets are particularly important, making sustainability and traceability critical for trade.
Illegal and indiscriminate fishing practices threaten that relationship. International partners have raised concerns about bottom trawling and enforcement gaps, warning that continued violations could jeopardise exports and reputational standing.
Tunisian authorities have increased inspections, seizures, and surveillance in recent years, and have acknowledged both progress and limitations. With a long coastline and limited resources, oversight remains uneven.
Meanwhile, coastal communities bear the consequences first.
Lives Caught in the Middle
On the docks, the impacts are deeply personal. Fishermen speak of species that once fed families now becoming luxuries. Octopus, once affordable and common, has become scarce and expensive. Younger fishermen hesitate to invest in boats or start families, unsure whether the sea can still provide a future.
Older fishermen recall a time when knowledge of tides, winds, and seasons was enough to make a living. Today, even experience cannot offset degraded ecosystems and unpredictable conditions.
The loss is not only economic. It is cultural. As fishing becomes less viable, traditions tied to food, language, and community risk fading with it.
An Uncertain Horizon
Tunisia’s fishermen are navigating a narrow passage between climate change and industrial pressure. Protecting their future will require more than enforcement alone. It will demand rebuilding marine ecosystems, supporting small scale adaptation, and recognising that artisanal fishing is not a problem to be replaced, but a solution worth preserving.
The sea still holds life. Whether it can continue to sustain those who have depended on it for generations depends on choices made now, before the tide turns further against them.
Sources and References
Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism. Climate Change Deepens the Struggles of Tunisia’s Fishermen, as “Kys” Trawlers Boats Steal Their Livelihoods.
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Mediterranean fisheries assessments and Tunisia country profiles.
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Sixth Assessment Report. Mediterranean regional impacts.
Environmental Justice Foundation. Reports on bottom trawling and seafloor carbon release in Tunisia.
General Fisheries Commission for the Mediterranean. Technical regulations and Gulf of Gabès management measures.
UNEP Mediterranean Action Plan. Coastal ecosystems and climate vulnerability.
International Union for Conservation of Nature. Mediterranean biodiversity and Posidonia oceanica assessments.
Mongabay. Investigative reporting on illegal trawling and seagrass loss in the Gulf of Gabès.
Giacomo Abrusci, SEVENSEAS Media
Conservation Photography
Running Wild: The Return of Patagonia National Park’s Rheas
The Chacabuco Valley stretched wide before us. The golden steppe was broken by winding rivers, framed by snow-capped ridges that seemed to glow in the fall sun. We were in the heart of Patagonia National Park, a place reborn from what used to be one of the largest sheep ranches in Chile. Old Estancias once carved the land into squares made of barbed wire and filled with overgrazed pastures. But today, those fences are gone. The grasslands pulse with guanacos again and the park has become a symbol of what rewilding can mean when it’s done right.
We’d come here to see a beacon of rewilding in the area, which took shape as an oddly familiar looking species of bird called the Darwin’s rhea (known locally as ñandú or choique.) It’s Patagonia’s strangest survivors, this flightless animal with legs built for speed and feathers streaked in soft browns that disappear into the grass. From a distance, they look almost prehistoric, like something you might imagine darting across the steppe in a bygone epoch. Up close, they’re ecosystem engineers, spreading seeds that shape grassland health, and feed predators such as pumas and foxes that depend on them for survival.

These birds possess an unusual way of fertilizing the land, making them critical players and worth a heavy invesment in their rewilding. Unlike guanacos, which use fixed latrines (skat dropping areas) that concentrate nutrients in one spot, rheas are wanderers in every sense. As they roam, they drop seeds across the steppe in a steady scatter, with each pile of droppings carried further by rodents like tuco-tucos that burrow and churn the soil. This gives plants a chance to take root in Patagonia’s harsh winds. It’s a less prominent, yet highly fundamental cycle where rheas eat, move, fertilize, and in doing so, stitch the landscape together. Without them, the steppe would grow weaker and far less resilient.

Rheas, standing about three feet tall, are designed to vanish into Patagonia’s grasslands rather than dominate them. Rheas move almost like ghosts, disappearing into the landscape until you realize the ground itself was alive and moving all along. And yet here, in what should be one of their strongholds, rheas had nearly vanished.
Just a decade ago, a survey inside the park found fewer than 22 individuals left—a catastrophically low number for a bird so integral. The reasons were painfully manmade, as they often are when it comes to biodiversity loss like this. Decades of ranching, which ended here in 2008, had blanketed the valley in fences that trapped and killed rheas. Eggs were taken for food, chicks were chased down, and their range shrank until they were pushing just shy of a memory.

That’s where Emiliana Retamal, a young veterinarian turned wildlife ranger, comes into the conversation. She’s part of a small team with Rewilding Chile trying to bring rheas back to the Chacabuco steppe. The first thing she said upon meeting was to slow our movements, talk less, and to follow her lead when approaching these flightless wonders. We were off to the holding pens that served as a temporary home for both rhea adults and chicks, known here as charitos. Some of them were getting ready to be released into the wild, marking another historic moment for the rewilding team.
The following morning was all about getting things right. Rewilding Chile’s rhea initiative, called Ñandú Conservation and Recovery Programme, has been running since 2014. Ever since, the team has been incubating eggs, raising chicks, slowly reintroducing birds into the wild, all building toward a goal of restoring a self-sustaining population of at least 100 adults and at least four actively reproducing.

For Emiliana, release days are equal parts research, nerves, and a ton of hope. Each bird is carefully prepared, including mandatory health checks, parasite treatments, and a period of acclimatization inside open-air pens where they gain strength and learn to fend for themselves. The idea is not to domesticate them in any way, but rather, give them just enough of a head start to survive top predators, and Patagonia’s harsh winters once the pen gates swing open. Some are fitted with GPS collars—the first of their kind for monitoring rheas here—allowing the team to track their survival rates and see if they’re reproducing in the wild.
We were fortunate enough to witness this particular relase, which was a true milestone. Alongside captive-born birds, a group of 15 rheas had been translocated from Argentina for the first time. These wild individuals were specifically brought in to bolster genetics. These bird groups act quite differently, with the wild ones moving as a tighter group and demonstrating discomfort around people. That’s exactly what Emiliana wants, as the goal is to ensure the animals remember what it means to be wild or remain entirely wild to up their chances of survival.

When the moment finally came, the puesto (or field station) buzzed with controlled urgency. Emiliana and her patchwork team of rangers, vets, community leaders, and allies, moved with practiced rhythm, coaxing these powerful, awkward-looking birds into small wooden crates. These rheas were not tame, so asking them to willingly go into confinement requires a patient and steady hand. Every movement was about safety—maximizing calmness while minimizing stress, and avoiding injury for all.
Outside, a convoy of trucks rumbled to life while drones circled high above, ready to follow the release. Autumn had painted the surrounding forests in fire-reds, yellows and oranges. The air carried the kind of crispness that warned of winter’s approach. Bundled in layers, we set off across the park along a road that wound through valleys where iconic mountains dominated the horizon. The landscape begged us to stop and stare, but the mission pushed us forward. When we reached the release site, the cages were lifted down and arranged side by side. The team stood in a nervous silence. Everything was ready, so the countdown began.

On the count of three, the gates opened and the wranglers stepped back fast. For a heartbeat, not a single bird moved. Then, with a rush of feathers and legs, the rheas spilled out into the open, scattering across the grasslands like wind made visible. Some lingered, hesitating at the threshold. Others bolted in tight groups, vanishing into the tawny steppe. It certainly was not graceful, but it was emotional nonetheless. A species that had nearly disappeared from this place was running free, once again.
Releases like this may look simple. Open the gates, let the birds run, right? But the reality is far from it. Rewilding is hard work, and with rheas, it’s closer to brutal. In the wild, more than half of chicks don’t survive their first year. Eggs are eaten by predators or trampled by livestock, chicks are picked off by foxes, eagles, and pumas, and even curiosity can be fatal. Young birds often die from mistaking the wrong thing for food, like rocks or other inedible objects. And on top of that, the male birds are sometimes left caring for 50 chicks at once, making survival that much harder. Add to that the genetic bottleneck of starting with so few individuals in the wild, and every single bird that makes it into adulthood feels like a victory against impossible odds.

That’s why Emiliana and her team treat each rhea like an individual case study. Every release is followed by weeks of long days in the field monitoring and collecting data. Collars on individuals provide glimpses of survival, but much of the knowledge still comes from old-fashioned ranger work of tracking footprints across the steppe. Their job next will be to spot birds from a distance, asking local police and community members to report sightings to speed up the process.
And yet, for all the setbacks, the progress is undeniable for this team. From a ghost population of just 22 individuals to more than 70 now roaming the Chacabuco steppe, the recovery is indisputable. But numbers alone aren’t enough around here. Survival depends on genetics, and until recently, most of the birds released here had been hatched or raised in captivity. This means they were strong in body, but softer in instinct. This release however, was marking a turning point.

These 15 wild rheas translocated from Argentina to Puesto Ñandú—just a few kilometers from the border—arrived carrying what captive-bred birds could not: diverse DNA, sharper instincts, and that memory of how to live without the aid of humans. While borders divide people, they mean nothing to the animals who cross them freely. Rheas don’t recognize Chile or Argentina, but they recognize habitat. And if this recovery is to last, it will take both nations working together to protect the grasslands they share.
Even with the numbers trending upward, one of the biggest challenges is, of course, social. In nearby Cochrane, Emiliana is known casually as “the choique girl.” People are aware of the project, but they don’t always feel ownership of it. Many still see the park as something created by outsiders, disconnected from their lives. That gap is fundamental, and something the Rewilding Chile team, as well as its other collaborators including Quimán Reserve, CONAF (Chile’s National Forestry Corporation), SAG (Agriculture and Livestock Service) and Carabineros de Chile, are putting emphasis on. Rewilding efforts must be equally about saving species and building genuine relationships with communities or everything done in the field will not be effective.

Being in attendance on that release day, standing in the steppe as the cages opened and rheas burst back into a landscape that once nearly lost them, was something that will never escape our memory. The pride on the team’s faces, the outward relief after months of preparation, the sight of those birds vanishing into the golden grasslands, all felt triumphant.
As Emiliana reminded us, this is only the beginning. In the vastness of Patagonia National Park, surrounded by snow-capped ridges and rivers that once ran through sheep pastures, the work ahead is as immense as the landscape itself. Watching rheas roam free again was proof that rewilding means to restore the past, in addition to defining a new future, where ecosystems can someday thrive without our intervention.
Written by: Andi Cross
ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Andi Cross is an explorer, strategist, and extended range diver with Scuba Schools International and Scubapro, who leads Edges of Earth—a global expedition and consulting collective documenting resilience and climate solutions across the world’s most remote coastlines. Her work centers on “positive deviance”—spotlighting outliers succeeding against the odds—and using storytelling and strategy to help scale their impact.
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